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Will Trump’s 2024 Gains Among Latinos Hold in the Midterms?

No Republican presidential candidate in modern history won a larger share of Latino voters than President Donald Trump did in 2024. Edison Research’s national exit poll found Trump took 46 percent of Hispanic voters, up from 32 percent in 2020.

AP VoteCast, a survey of more than 120,000 voters conducted by the National Opinion Research Center (NORC) at the University of Chicago for The Associated Press, put his share at 42 percent, up from 35 percent. A Pew Research Center analysis of validated voters, released in June 2025, estimated Trump won 48 percent, nearly reaching parity with former Vice President Kamala Harris—the 2024 Democratic nominee.
The shift was sharpest among Latino men. Edison Research estimated Trump won 54 percent of Latino men, flipping the group from a 23-point Democratic win in 2020 to a 10-point Republican win in 2024—a 33-point swing.

Over a year later, as the first primaries of the 2026 midterms have begun, a string of Democratic victories in heavily Hispanic areas and a cascade of polling showing Trump’s approval among Latinos has fallen have complicated the narrative that Republicans have locked in a durable realignment in an election where Trump is not on the ballot. The question heading into the 2026 midterms: Are those 2024 gains holding for Republicans?

Signs of a Reversal

Low-turnout contests can be hard to generalize, but the results have reopened questions about whether GOP gains are holding.

On Jan. 31, Democrat Taylor Rehmet flipped Texas Senate District 9 in a Fort Worth-area special-election runoff, winning by double digits in a seat Republicans had held for decades. Trump had carried the district by 17 points in 2024. Latinos make up roughly 34 percent of the district, according to Voto Latino, a left-leaning civic engagement group that has registered nearly 2 million voters since its founding.

Rehmet, an Air Force veteran and union leader, told CNN that voters were “fed up with the campaigns of outrage, the culture wars, all the same stuff that they’re trying to use to divide us.” He said he started his campaign by organizing in underserved Latino neighborhoods and focused on bread-and-butter economic issues.

“No Democrat has represented this community in the Texas Legislature in nearly half a century, and this win sends a powerful message: Latino voters are persuadable, engaged, and ready to shape the future,” Voto Latino said after Rehmet’s win.

In December, Democrat Eileen Higgins won the Miami mayoral runoff with 59 percent of the vote, defeating a Republican endorsed by Trump. Higgins became the first woman and the first Democrat to lead the city since 1997. Her win was also fueled by Hispanic and Latino residents, who make up roughly 70 percent of Miami’s population.

The president had flipped Miami-Dade County in 2024 after losing it by 30 points to Hillary Clinton in 2016, making the result a closely watched test of whether Republican gains in South Florida are durable.

GOP Officials Sound the Alarm

Some of the most pointed warnings have come from within the Republican Party itself.

Florida state Sen. Ileana Garcia, a co-founder of Latinas for Trump, criticized the fatal Minneapolis shooting of Alex Pretti, a protester against federal immigration operations, in January amid immigration enforcement action in the city as “abhorrent,” telling The New York Times, “It’s gone too far.” She added: “We should not be afraid as a party to speak up, to course correct.”

Garcia also warned that Trump could lose the midterms “because of Stephen Miller”—a reference to the White House deputy chief of staff for policy and Homeland Security adviser, who is widely regarded as a chief architect of the administration’s immigration crackdown.

Florida Rep. María Elvira Salazar (R) has also recently posted on social media that “Hispanics are leaving the GOP in large numbers, and pretending otherwise won’t fix it.” After the Higgins win in Miami, Salazar warned, “A year ago, Latinos made GOP history. But if we don’t deliver, we’ll lose that historic support,” adding that the mayoral result speaks “for itself.”

Economy First, Not Immigration Alone

Strategists and researchers across the political spectrum say cost of living remains the dominant force shaping Latino opinion—just as it is shaping the majority of the electorate overall—and that treating immigration as the sole driver of any shift misses the picture.

A December 2025 national affordability survey of 1,354 Hispanic business owners conducted by the U.S. Hispanic Business Council (USHBC), a nonpartisan small-business advocacy group, found that 69.7 percent identified the cost of living as their top concern. Immigration did not even register among the leading issues. The finding held across party lines: 73.2 percent of Democrats, 68.9 percent of Republicans, and 66 percent of independents cited affordability.

“Despite the visibility of immigration rhetoric, most Latino voters remain focused on affordability, stability, and survival,” Javier Palomarez, president of the USHBC, told The Epoch Times in a statement. He noted that just 19 percent of Hispanic business owners in the survey said they were thriving, while 71 percent were surviving or struggling. Trust in both parties was low: 33.1 percent said they trust neither party to manage the economy.

But Palomarez added that the administration’s enforcement tactics, “particularly those that feel disruptive to families and local economies, may be reaching a tipping point among Latino Republicans.”

“For many, immigration only becomes a voting issue when it aligns with community trauma or the opinion of cultural scapegoating,” he said. “Both parties risk losing ground if they ignore the economic urgency driving Latino sentiment. Republicans are likely to see the sharpest fallout if enforcement tactics continue to be viewed as hostile, excessive, or indifferent to Latino identity and families.”

James Christopher, a Brooklyn-based political communications strategist with more than 10 years of campaign and public affairs experience, said the data suggest economics sets the baseline and immigration enforcement can become a “decisive modifier depending on how personally felt it is in a community.” A Reuters/Ipsos poll conducted Jan. 23–25, 2026, found that 58 percent of Americans said ICE enforcement efforts have gone too far. The poll surveyed 1,139 adults with a margin of error of about 3 percentage points.

Republican Counterpoint

Meanwhile, the Republican National Committee disagreed with the notion that Latino gains are slipping.

“Republicans have made steady gains with Hispanic voters across the country by addressing the pocketbook issues that impact them the most,” RNC spokesman Zach Kraft told The Epoch Times. “There is a reason why South Texas has been slipping away from Democrats and will be a top battleground in 2026 with Republicans on offense.”

Kraft pointed to a January Emerson College poll showing Trump around 2 points underwater with Hispanic voters, and to a Cygnal poll showing 61 percent of Americans support deportation of people in the country illegally.

Fergus Hodgson, author of “The Latin America Red Pill” and publisher of the Impunity Observer, said that Latino support for the GOP is growing.

He told The Epoch Times in an email that many Latino communities “are benefiting from the crackdown on the worst criminals among them” and that deportation operations are not racially targeted but aimed at criminals in the illegal immigrant population.

Hodgson said the most persuadable Latino voters for Republicans are the religiously devout, particularly those receptive to social conservatism on issues like gender ideology and marriage. He also credited Secretary of State Marco Rubio with building goodwill among Colombian, Venezuelan, and Cuban voters through his Latin American-focused foreign policy.

On economic issues, Hodgson said that policies such as student-loan forgiveness alienate working-class Latinos who spend less time in higher education and do not want to subsidize those who do. He said the key challenge for the GOP is moving Latino voters into the middle class, where they are more likely to vote conservatively.

Not a Monolith

Analysts on all sides say one of the biggest mistakes either party can make is treating Latino voters as a single bloc. Edison Research’s exit poll data showed the sharpest 2024 shift among Latino men, but AP VoteCast data analyzed by the Brookings Institution found the movement was also concentrated among non-college Latino voters.

The Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement (CIRCLE) at Tufts University found that young Latinos still favored Harris by 17 points, but that was down from a 49-point Biden advantage in 2020.

Palomarez identified the most movable subgroups heading into 2026 as working-age, U.S.-born, and small-business-engaged voters, particularly in battleground states such as Texas, Arizona, and Florida.

Christopher, citing post-election analyses from Edison Research and the Democratic data firm Catalist, said both persuasion and turnout dynamics are in play—and that the mix depends on the district and candidate.

Some Polling Shows a Drop

Meanwhile, national surveys show weakening approval for Republicans among Latinos. A Pew Research Center bilingual survey of 4,923 Latino adults, conducted in October 2025, found that 70 percent disapprove of Trump’s job performance, including 55 percent who strongly disapprove. Approval had fallen from 36 percent near the start of his term to 27 percent by October. Among Latinos who voted for Trump in 2024, approval dropped from 93 percent to 81 percent.

The survey found that 65 percent of Latinos disapprove of the administration’s approach to immigration, 61 percent say Trump’s policies have made the economy worse, and 78 percent say the policies have been harmful to Hispanics. For the first time in nearly two decades of Pew surveys, 68 percent of Latinos said the situation of Hispanics in America has worsened compared with a year earlier.

An AP-NORC poll from October found Trump’s favorability among Hispanic adults had fallen to 25 percent, down from 44 percent just before he took office.

Democrats Try a New Playbook

In response to the 2024 losses, some Democrats and aligned organizations are overhauling how they reach Latino voters. On Feb. 18, CHC BOLD PAC, the campaign arm of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus, launched Ruido—Spanish for “noise”—a program that recruits Latino social media creators to produce civic engagement content on TikTok, Instagram, YouTube, and other platforms.

The program launched last month with roughly 50 creators, including Carlos Eduardo Espina, an Uruguayan-American creator with about 14 million followers.

“After 2024, Democrats can’t keep doing the same thing and expect different results,” said Rep. Linda T. Sánchez (D-Calif.), chairwoman of CHC BOLD PAC, in a press release. “Ruido meets Latino voters where they are—on their phones and through trusted voices in their communities.”

The content-creator strategy mirrors a playbook that Trump’s campaign used effectively in 2024 to reach young and male voters outside traditional media. Research from Equis, a left-leaning organization that studies Latino voter trends, shows that Hispanic Americans are most likely to get news from Instagram, YouTube, and TikTok.
Pew Research Center data also points to Hispanic and Latino Americans being more likely than white Americans to regularly get news from YouTube, Instagram, and WhatsApp.

“We know that Latino voters who participate in primaries and vote early are far more likely to show up again in the general election,” said Rep. Jimmy Gomez (D-Calif.), a Ruido co-chair.

The program operates in two phases. The first, this spring, focuses on building early-voting habits during primaries. The second will expand the network to drive general election turnout.

“Early voting becomes a habit, and habits build momentum. When someone posts that they voted early, that’s more than just content—it’s social proof that encourages their friends and followers to do the same.”

What to Watch

Christopher said the clearest indicators heading into November will be swings in heavily Latino precincts, differential turnout in special elections, and whether issue-salience polling shows enforcement concerns rising to match or overtake cost-of-living pressure.

Palomarez warned that both parties risk losing ground if they ignore the economic urgency.

Latino voters are now the nation’s second-largest voting bloc, with 36.2 million eligible voters. Neither party has locked them down—and the 2026 midterms will test whether Trump’s historic 2024 gains were a realignment or a one-cycle surge that is already fading.



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